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The next girl I had met the day before. She had brought her friend without telling me about it. I spent 60 seconds talking to her using the best body language I could and the next time she showed up alone and very submissive. That was actually what was most sexy about this girl, her sweet submissive personality. Ever since that first moment I met her, slightly annoyed and telling her that she should not have brought her friend, she has been mine. Sex was going to happen and it was great. This was a girl I saw a lot of and she was my 29th Dominican girl.
What I remember most about this girl was her moaning “Soy tuyo – I am yours.” after sex. From that moment on… she was too.
The next girl was one that I never built up much of a connection with. I suppose my profile did all the work. It went very easy and this tall, thin, light skinned girl was #30 of my Dominican girls.
At this poinnt I had been with 30 girls in 22 days. I knew I had a lot of days left to achieve THC’s FMCH, so I started taking it easy. I had my first gap of 2 days without a new lay at this point, but then I met up with a girl that had sent me an NPI. It was probably an hour from meet until I banged her and I officially finished the full month cunt hunt with many days to spare. #31 of my run with Dominican girls!
I had actually miscalculated before thinking that I had been in the DR longer, but no. I still had plenty of days left and I already had it.
I was exhausted from gaming. I had more new sexual experiences with all sorts of types of girls, but I was ready for something more calm. The sex two to three times a day was too much. So what do you do after you just banged 31 Dominican girls in 25 days? You start a harem.
The start of my harem.
I picked my 8 favorite Dominican girls from the 31 and started seeing them more and more. There were a lot of really amazing girls in that bunch and I wanted to spend some time getting to know them. I really think having a solid harem is as good as life get’s and I will be telling you much more about my harem game in the DR… in a future post.
You can read about my harem here:
How I did all this and what website I mainly used.
If you have read through this wondering how I could possibly get so many Dominican girls, all you have to do is click here to learn how you can do the same thing.
If you are wondering what website lead to so many dates with so many Dominican girls, you can check out the website.
Read about the next part of my trip to Dominican Republic here:
Do a Skype call with me and learn how you can do this personally, with the girls of your drams.
I am doing consult calls so you can find out how exactly you can sleep with as many girls as I did (and start your own collection of nude Dominican women). In these calls I can teach you about game, tell you where to stay, where to meet the girls, what type of dates to do, how to sleep with them on the first night and, if Dominican chicas aren’t what you are looking for, I can tell you exactly where to travel to find your exact type of woman who will be easy to sleep with. Click here for more info on a Skype call with me.
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The 13-Year-Old Prostitute.
Working Girl or Sex Slave?
By Jessica Lustig Published Oct 24, 2007 ShareThis.
T he low-slung black car rolled to a stop on Rockaway Boulevard. Another car was already parked there, waiting in the dark. Behind the tinted windows of the first car, Lucilia, a beautiful half�Puerto Rican, half-Dominican girl from Flatbush with long dark hair, pale skin, and wide eyes, sat with the other girls and listened carefully to her instructions. �All you got to do is go up to the car in front of us,� said Romeo, the young black man with heavy-lidded eyes at the wheel. �You charge him whatever you want to charge him, you ask if he’s police or a pimp. He’s gonna give you money, and then you’re gonna just do whatever he wants you to do real quick. It’s just a one-minute thing.� He sent her out.
She went up to the other car. The man inside drove her to one of the big parking lots nearby, close to the Belt Parkway. He paid her $500, had sex with her, and then dropped her off. �Where the money?� Romeo asked her when she climbed back inside his car. �Let me count it.� Lucilia took the cash out of her pocket and watched him flip through the bills. �Can I have my money back?� she asked. �You not getting your money back!� he said. �You making this money for me to take care of you.� And then he explained what he called �the Game,� how he would love her and be her �daddy,� how he would take care of her and buy her whatever she wanted, as long as she brought him money. �Let me tell you,� he said. �I’m a pimp, and you’re a ho.� �What do you mean I’m a ho?� she asked. She knew the word only as an insult, as in, you’re nasty. �No,� he said. �You’re a moneymaking ho.� �Is that good?� she asked. �Yeah,� he told her. �That’s good.� She was 13 years old.
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55 Not one of those interviewed complained about the cost nor criticized the commercial aspect of the trade. As far as the western clients are concerned, whether expatriates or tourists, the prices are extremely attractive. Interview n� 1 mentions the cost as merely a �small dent in the change purse� or �insignificant gifts�; n� 2 talks about �very good value for money�; n� 4 a student with limited revenue states that it is �normal to pay for the service�; n� 5 says he always �bargains� and compares the cost to a �handful of rice�; n� 6 always finds what he wants no matter how small his budget; n� 10 and 30 are enthusiastic as to the youth and quality of the prostitutes whom they could not afford at home; n� 15, a woman, realizes after converting the price into her local currency that the cost is minimal; n� 18 feels that it is only natural that the older and richer should be generous; n� 21 feels he is doing his part for �humanity�; while n� 22 sees himself as a �sought after walking dollar�. In short all these people are able to pay for the sex worker of their choosing, for whatever length of time (quick trick, weekend, week, month) for what they consider to be a modest sum and perhaps a few gifts. Yet, while sex for payment in Asia does not seem to be a financial burden for the clients, Cohen (1982, 1986) does in fact mention that some western clients, after a few months as regular customers have found themselves completely bankrupted by their �little wives�.
56 While the Table 1 (in Appendix 1) can be considered somewhat impressionistic since it offers no statistics or percentages, it nevertheless reveals the fact that men in the middle to upper income category have a lot more choice of sites, partners and types of services than the low income workers. The poor in general have to settle for the cheaper services of low-class prostitutes working out of sleazy henhouses or on the street (including streets, parks, vacant lots, cemeteries and train tracks). Surabaya being a port city one finds the entire gamut of marine personnel from the captain down to the deck hand using all the different types of sex services available depending on their individual purchasing power. Those men who represent the upper echelons of power, politics, civil authority and finance visit discreet sites exclusively reserved for this category of clientele where they will meet only partners deemed worthy of their rank and largesse.
57 Vena, interview n� 47, an Indonesian prostitute, suggests that the Asian client is more likely to spend a lot of money than his western counterpart. This may be because the Asian client is more likely to visit a prostitute in the company of a group, as a party, and thus would be more inclined to be a big spender and very generous simply to maintain his reputation.
58 Jean Baffie (personal presentation) mentioned several Thai guidebooks which describe certain luxurious sites used almost exclusively by Asians (Chinese, Japanese, Taiwanese and rich Thais). Evidently, the Europeans have more restricted expense accounts. As to the Asian tourist on a trip, it is well known that he easily spends enormous sums of money. A Taiwanese businessman (Interview n� 9) remarks that �the girls are cheaper in their home country.� Philippines, Thais and other women of Southeast Asia work their trade as �ladies of the night� or showgirls, legally or illegally, in Japan, Taiwan, Malaysia or Singapore. For example, in 1999 more than 130,000 singers, hostesses and prostitutes of Southeast Asian origin illegally entered Japan (SMC 1999).
59 While it seems that cultural differences in behavior can be identified between Asians and Westerners it would be risky to try and establish a typology of any sort.
60 The aid bodies trying to promote job changes for prostitutes and generally working to combat sex tourism confirm that the customers can be everyone and anyone: normal people, young, old, happily married or not, bachelors, working or out of work. In this context it is virtually impossible to establish a profile of the typical client. The only major distinction possible is based on the frequency of visits to prostitutes. In this respect the clients can be separated into two categories: the opportunist or occasional customer and the �regular� customer.
61 Within these two categories it is of interest to analyze the customer�s explanation of what motivates him and how he justifies his actions. Through this inventory of the clients� motivations the portrait of some sort of typical sex consumer may emerge.
What Motivates the Client?
62 We must first take a quick look at the rare and rather unusual sources we found on this question.
63 Two authors, Jammot and Rocheteix, attempt a typology of the client in their publication on prostitution in France in the 1950s. According to the professionals questioned:
[. ] the client falls into one of three distinct categories: First there is the bachelor, who because he has neither wife nor mistress comes on a regular basis to satisfy a natural need. He is generally serious, not very generous, nor too demanding, and, surprisingly, is generally faithful. He makes up the solid base of regular clients who keep the business running throughout the year. (Jammot &Rocheteix 1954: 131-38)
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One must be extremely careful when using oral testimonies as historical materials. Oral testimonies were first used in historical studies in the 1920s, when testimonies were taken from former slaves in the United States. These testimonies were useful as reference materials, but the position of the historical community is that one must exercise great care to differentiate fact from fiction when using these testimonies as primary-source materials. One need only look at the oral testimonies given by the former comfort women in order to appreciate the great difficulty involved in relying solely upon these sources in trying to determine what is historically factual.
Human Trafficking and Employment Fraud.
Lee then used a chart to introduce a portion of the materials submitted to the South Korean government�s fact-finding committee on forced mobilization by the surviving family members of former comfort women. The professor confirmed the family members� understanding that what happened was �employment fraud� and �human trafficking.� He then turned to research conducted by a female South Korean scholar, who tracked down the family members of former comfort women whose names and addresses she learned from a ledger of Koreans then residing in Indonesia. Almost all of those family members also testified that these comfort women had been subjected to �employment fraud.�
Lee then cited the following passage from a document titled �Overall Status of Koreans Resident in North China,� published in 1941 by the Beijing branch office of the Government-General of Korea: �Due to their particular language skills and tenacious lifestyles, [Korean men] have been able to keep up with the military�s advance, or even precede it�bringing with them a certain type of woman and setting up military comfort stations�. They make enormous profits in areas that are still not politically stable, and advance to the front lines.�
This same document reports that there were 732 Korean prostitutes and drink-pouring girls in north China. Lee estimates that there were, at most, 1,000 Korean comfort women in this same area. He later used this figure at the end of the lecture in estimating the total number of comfort women.
Tsutomu Nishioka is a member of the planning committee at the Japan Institute for National Fundamentals and a visiting professor at Reitaku University. He was born in 1956 in Tokyo, and graduated from the International Christian University. He worked at the Japanese embassy in South Korea as a researcher from 1982 to 1984, and served as editor in chief of monthly magazine Gendai Korea . He is chairman of National Association for the Rescue of Japanese Kidnapped by North Korea (NARKN).
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With a population of over 20 million, the capital of South Korea, Seoul, began to take action in tackling the growing problem of youth prostitution and youth internet addiction in 2007. According to the National Survey of Internet Addiction Summary Report 2006, 12 percent of the South Korean population from ages 9 to 39 is reported to have symptoms of internet addiction and in Seoul, the number of internet addicted teenagers doubled in less than a decade. As for youth prostitution, every year in Seoul about 2 million teenagers choose to leave home because of domestic violence and poor academic performance. In 2009, 13,463 teenage girls left home without any stable financial support and had to earn their living through prostitution.
In order to solve the problem of youth internet addiction and youth prostitution and to improve the social services of the government, Seoul established “I Will” centres-internet addiction prevention and intervention centres (abbreviated as “I Will” centres) and implemented their Youth Prostitution Prevention Programme (also called the “S.H.E. Programme”). In 2012, Seoul’s two-programme initiative stood out from 255 candidates from all over the world and was selected as one of the five winning initiatives of the Guangzhou Award.
The Government Established "I Will" Centers to Help the Young People Give Up Internet Addiction.
In Seoul, the information technology industry, cartoon industry, and online game industry are all highly developed. In addition, personal computers are widely used and the Internet is highly accessible to the public. Adolescents are the biggest group to use computers. Severe internet addicts indulge in online games or pornographic websites, which can have severe adverse effects for their studies and their health. Moderate internet addicts linger on chat websites, video gaming sites, or other websites, which consume a lot of time and also negatively affect their studies and daily interpersonal relationships. Statistics show that internet addiction not only brings misery to urban families, but also affects the social order and educational development.
In order to solve the problem of internet addiction, Seoul set up "I Will" Centres (Internet addiction prevention and intervention centres) for children and youths in 2007. The concept of "I Will" centres is to guide young people to participate in social activities, help them gain life experiences and discover new possibilities. "I Will" centres help them find other interests and hobbies besides the Internet, and eventually make them aware of the dangers of internet addiction. Through their will and motivation, they can ultimately get rid of their internet addiction. After several years of development, Seoul has established five "I Will" centres with basically the same model and standards.
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